Enseignantes et enseignants : les « manifestations politiques » sont aussi illicites déclare la CRTO

Dans une décision rendue aux petites heures du matin vendredi dernier, le président de la Commission des relations de travail de l’Ontario (« CRTO »), Bernard Fishbein, a tranché que les manifestations politiques que planifiait la Fédération des enseignantes et des enseignants de l’élémentaire de l’Ontario (« FEEO ») étaient illicites. Le président de la CRTO a conclu que toute interruption de travail en raison de telles manifestations, même si celles-ci étaient à caractère purement politique, était interdite par la Loi de 1995 sur les relations de travail (« LRTO »). Alors que la décision impliquait seulement la FEEO, elle s’applique vraisemblablement à toutes les enseignantes et à tous les enseignants de la province.

En fait, cette conclusion n’est pas si surprenante. En vertu de la LRTO et de la Loi de 2012 donnant la priorité aux élèves (le fameux projet de loi 115), tout arrêt de travail entrepris alors qu’une convention collective est en vigueur est strictement interdit. Or, le 2 janvier dernier, la ministre de l’Éducation imposait de nouveaux contrats de travail par voie de décret aux employeurs et aux syndicats du secteur de l’éducation toujours sans contrat suite à l’expiration de leurs conventions collectives le 31 août dernier. Ces décrets ont pris effet sur le champ et les nouveaux contrats de travail sont en vigueur pour une période de deux ans, soit jusqu’au 31 août 2014. Quoique plusieurs syndicats du secteur de l’éducation se sont opposés vigoureusement au projet de loi 115 – notamment en en contestant la validité constitutionnelle devant les tribunaux – les conventions collectives renouvelées demeureront valides, à moins d’avis contraire par les tribunaux.

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Sonia Regenbogen debates Bill 115: Putting Students First Act

The challenge raised by the Ontario teachers’ unions over the Ontario Government’s Bill 115, the “Putting Students First Act”, is headed to the Courts.

On The Agenda with Steve Paikin, Steve Paikin sat down with me and Fay Faraday to debate the key issues on legal arguments to be advanced and considered by the Court.  Fay Faraday is a lawyer with expertise in constitutional and human rights law with Faraday Law, who has advocated on behalf of unions on this issue in the past.

Ontario NDP tables Bill capping length of strikes and lockouts, imposing interest arbitration on private sector employers

Today the NDP MPP from Essex, Taras Natyshak, tabled an amendment to the Labour Relations Act that would allow unions (and employers) to apply for interest arbitration in a long lockout (or strike) where conciliation or mediation has failed.  The Board would be empowered to order interest arbitration for all outstanding issues if it determines that the strike or lockout has been ongoing for 180 days and  a collectively bargained settlement is unlikely within 30 days.  If the Board orders interest arbitration, the strike or lockout is immediately brought to an end, employees are to be reinstated on terms and conditions of employment frozen at the pre-labour dispute levels, and the dispute would be referred to interest arbitration.  The parties would be given the opportunity to agree upon a private arbitrator, but failing agreement, the Labour Relations Board would appoint one.  A decision must be rendered within 45 days and is binding upon the parties for a period of two years.

This legislation is a copycat bill substantially mirroring amendments made to the Manitoba labour relations statute about a decade ago.  There is little experience with the Manitoba legislation as the Manitoba board has issued decisions in only a handful of cases.  What is clear though is that the legislation substantially impacts upon the bargaining dynamic in tough rounds of bargaining in that province.  Its noteworthy that in Manitoba, an application can be made after only 60 days of strike or lockout.

While this bill is a private member’s bill, it is nevertheless very concerning as it is reflective of a current and disturbing trend by government to interfere with the fundamentals of free collective bargaining.  It will be important to closely watch the response that it receives in the Legislature

CIRB: No unlawful lockout or violation of duty to bargain when employer altered working terms and conditions after statutory freeze

The Canada Industrial Relations Board (“CIRB”) recently held that an employer’s unilateral changes to terms and conditions of employment after the end of the statutory freeze period did not constitute an unlawful lockout or a failure to bargain in good faith.

In Canadian Union of Postal Workers v. Canada Post Corporation, 2012 CIRB 627, Canada Post Corporation (“Canada Post” or the “Company”) informed the Canadian Union of Postal Workers (“CUPW”) that the Company would unilaterally alter benefits and other terms and conditions of employment in the event that CUPW delivered a 72 hour strike notice. Canada Post in fact made those alterations when CUPW proceeded to deliver a strike notice. CUPW filed a complaint with the CIRB alleging that Canada Post’s changes to terms and conditions of employment constituted an unlawful lockout, an unfair labour practice, and a violation of the duty to bargain in good faith.

The CIRB determined that Canada Post’s actions did not constitute an unlawful lockout because the Company did not intend to compel bargaining unit members to agree to terms or conditions of employment as required by the definition of “lockout” in the Canada Labour Code (“Code”). Instead, the Company’s intention was to discourage CUPW from striking so as to continue negotiations at the bargaining table without a work stoppage. 

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US Steel Hamilton lockout finally ends, with predictable outcome

On October 15, 2011, workers at US Steel's "Hilton Works" in Hamilton voted to accept the Company's final offer, ending a lockout that had begun over 11 months earlier.  This lockout represented the longest labour-management confrontation in Hamilton labour history, and ended in a settlement that many regard as a foregone conclusion, despite the Union's long and determined struggle to maintain the status quo.  (The best descriptions of the ongoing dispute can be found in the Hamilton Spectator, including the most recent article written by Steve Arnold). 

A copy of the terms of the agreement can be found here: US Steel-USW Tentative Agreement Oct 2011.pdf

At some level, USW Local 1005 members and its executive "took one for the team" by holding out for so long, in what many outsiders (including this author) regarded as an impossible struggle.

The defining issues in the lockout were economic, the largest one being the Company's demand for concessions on the pension plan.  The Company wanted to de-index pension benefits for current and future retirees under the existing defined-benefit pension plan, and close the defined-benefit plan to any new employees.  Instead, new employees would have their retirement security provided through a group RRSP, and the company's liabilities would be capped at its per-hour contributions.

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Reflections on the Fraser Decision: Six Weeks Later

It has now been six weeks since the release of the Supreme Court’s long awaited decision in Ontario (Attorney General) v. Fraser. The Court’s ruling that upheld Ontario’s Agricultural Employees Protection Act (“AEPA”) was the focus of the early reactions from commentators and the media, as well as our firm. As the days and weeks have passed, the focus has shifted to the broader implications of the decision for labour and constitutional law. There is certainly a lot to think about – here are some of my reflections on the so-called “bigger picture”.

I am certainly no fan of BC Health Services, the 2007 decision of the Supreme Court of Canada that was the subject of much criticism and discussion in Fraser. Leaving aside that BC Health Services may well be a classic example of ‘bad facts making bad law’ (kudos to Justice Rothstein’s Fraser opinion for delivering a catalogue of good reasons to question the principles underlying BC Health Services), it was plainly a muddled and flawed decision.

 

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Feds Introduce "Restoring Mail Delivery for Canadians Act"

On June 21, 2011, the federal government introduced Bill C-6, the Restoring Mail Delivery for Canadians Act to bring an end to the Canada Post labour dispute that had commenced with rotating strikes on June 2, 2011, and became a lockout on June 14.

Like Bill C-5, the Continuing Air Service for Canadians Act, Bill C-6 provides for resolution of the dispute by means of interest arbitration, using the "final offer selection" method.

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Whatever happened to the "right to strike"?

Political .jpgThis was a question that union counsel put to me yesterday in the course of a hearing at the OLRB.  He was commenting on the announced plans to implement return-to-work legislation in relation to the Canada Post and Air Canada disputes (admittedly, at this point the Canada Post dispute is a lockout, but it started with rotating strikes).

Whether or not they would admit it, unions must be disappointed by an apparent reversal of the trend toward "constitutionalizing" Canadian labour law in the April 2011 decision of the Supreme Court of Canada in Ontario v. Fraser.  So these new interventions that ostensibly further diminish unions' bargaining rights are a source of alarm, or so it seems.

It will be interesting to see what the terms of the proposed return-to-work legislation are (see update below), because both of these employers face significant challenges and are looking for what the unions regard as concessions.  The typical return-to-work case in the past has seen the strike come to an end and the dispute resolved through mandatory interest arbitration, the results of which have generally (in this author's opinion) appeared to favour the unions.

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